søndag, juli 31, 2005

Sweden after the Swedish Model

Selvom svenske borgerlige ikke er noget håb mht. indvandringsfadæsen* (kraftigere udtryk ligger én på læben), så er Folkpartiet dog dem der momentvist har været nærmest til at stille en realistisk diagnose på elendigheden. Men som deres borgerligt liberale venner, iagtager de det allestørste hensyn til "anstændigheden". Hvor anstændigt man må udtrykke sig, fremgik af det underligt halvhjertede " sprogkrav" fra valgkampen 2002. Og når FP endelig søsætter noget "kontroversielt", sender de indvandrermedlemmer i marken, ud fra den besynderlige tese, at kun hvide svenskere være racister.Det er iøvrigt noget af det virkeligt slående ved svenske borgerlige - at de mest minder om socialdemokrater af en anden aftapning, "uden et eget sprog", som Roland Huntford skrev. Det oppositionelle skal ses med lup, hvad der kan få Riksdagsdebatter til at virke som et møde mellem fraktioner af samme forening.
Her er en nylig rapport jeg har overset af Folkpartiets integrationsordfører Maurijo Rojas:
Rapport:From Tutorial State to Enabling State


Few social experiments have caught the imagination of politicians and students of political economy like the ‘Swedish model’. To successive generations of the centre-left Sweden was something of a paradise. In the report -Sweden after the Swedish Model from Tutorial State to Enabling State, the renowned economic-historian Mauricio Rojas tells us the story of the rise and fall of the old Swedish model and introduces a debate over the present quest for a welfare society that combines fairness with freedom.

*(Moderaterna: "Det skal være lettere at indvandre til Sverige")

http://www.timbro.se/bokhandel/pdf/9175665891.pdf 93 sider. Maj 2005

Man kan også nøjes med at læse Leijonborg og Rojas kronik fra dec 2004. På nysvensk hedder ghetto "utsatt bostadsområde". De udsatte er dog snarere de svenskere for hvem det ikke er muligt at flytte:
"Explosiv ökning av antalet utsatta bostadsområden"

Tiodubbling av områdena med en extremt låg sysselsättningsnivå, visar ny kartläggning från fp.

År 1990 fanns det bara tre bostadsområden i Sverige som kunde klassas som verkligt utsatta. I dag är de hela 136. Samtidigt har områdena med en extremt låg sysselsättning, under 50 procent, ökat från nio till 91.

Skåne har ovanligt många bostadsområden som präglas av utanförskap. Det gäller även Västmanlands, Östergötlands och Södermanlands län - problemet når numera långt utanför storstadsregionerna. Det visar en ny kartläggning från folkpartiet.

http://www.dn.se/DNet/jsp/polopoly.jsp?d=572&a=351097
en blogartikel, ikke uden pointer.Men han er ikke aflønnet af diplomatiet:
Sweden: Fascism In Slow Motion
Editorial by John Ray


I have previously pointed out that modern-day Sweden is rather fun for conservatives to know about but what about the Sweden of the past? I argue below that the old Swedish model -- the "folkhemmet" (people's home) -- gradually became a version of the Fascist "corporate State" with government, business and labor all intertwined to the detriment of the economy

"Although it is a commonplace that Hitler got good co-operation from Sweden both before and during the war, the idea that Sweden was itself in any sense Fascist must seem like one of the most absurd suggestions ever made. Has not Sweden been the great icon of the Democratic Left in the postwar period? It has indeed, though these days
conservatives have better reasons for mentioning the Swedish experience than Leftists do.
Nonetheless, little-recognized though it might be, there are substantial reasons for seeing interwar Sweden as Fascist. Like all Fascisms, however, Swedish Fascism had its own unique national characteristics and its most unusual characteristic was how slowly it developed, with much of its development taking place AFTER WW2 rather than before."


"So the Swedish folkhemmet State was welfarist, nationalist, paternalist and essentially all-powerful. Because it used its power very sparingly and cautiously, however, and respected civil liberties, it was undoubtedly the mildest of the Fascist States. And after the war it did as all Leftists did and abandoned overt nationalism -- though a sense of Swedish superiority undoubtedly continued and discreetly made itself apparent from time to time."

John Ray blogs at Dissecting Leftism
http://www.bloggernews.net/showstory.asp?page=blognews/stories/WP0000226.txt

http://dissectleft.blogspot.com/
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